Conflict Report: North Kivu

On Wednesday, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon expressed optimism that a major peace agreement among eleven nations in Africa’s Great Lakes region signed in February will provide lasting stability in central Africa. But nine days ago, the M23, a rebel group in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, claimed that it has killed over 400 government troops in skirmishes over the previous ten days. Actively supported by the Rwandan military, the M23 has been guilty of at least 61 rapes and 44 executions in the last five months. The group also forces men and boys in the eastern Congo to join it, according a recent report from Human Rights Watch. The UN estimates that strife in the DR Congo has created 2.6 million internally displaced persons and that 6.5 million need food and emergency aid. Unfortunately, the skirmishes, rapes, and murders in the east are only the most recent chapters in the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s bloody history.

Background & History

The Democratic Republic of the Congo (known previously as Congo Free State, Belgian Congo, Congo-Léopoldville, and Zaire) has been a victim of its generous natural resource endowment at least since the arrival of Europeans. At the 1885 Conference of Berlin, Leopold II of Belgium acquired the DR Congo, and his Force Publique (FP) forced the country’s population to produce vast amounts of rubber that enriched Belgium and its king. The FP regularly enforced quotas by amputating the limbs of workers who failed to produce enough rubber.

Shortly after its independence from Belgium in 1960, the DR Congo descended into a power struggle between Patrice Lumumba (a nationalist leader and the country’s first Prime Minister), Joseph Kasavubu (another nationalist leader and the country’s first President), and Joseph Mobutu (chief of staff of the army, and supported by the United States and Belgium). The fight for control of the central government was complicated by secessionist movements in the provinces of Katanga, South Kasai, and North Kivu.

Benefiting from the continued American support that flowed from his opposition to communism, Mobutu ruled over a period of relative peace from 1971 to 1997, though his regime was guilty of severe human rights violations and corruption. In the late 1990s, the DR Congo became embroiled in a conflict that would involve at least six countries and kill 5.4 million peope, the deadliest conflict since World War II.

After the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, the remnants of the Hutu militias that killed over 800,000 Rwandan Tutsis fled across the border into the DR Congo. They terrorized the Tutsi populations in eastern Zaire until the combined efforts of Congolese Tutsis, other opposition elements, and the Rwandan and Ugandan armies (collectively known as the AFDL, or Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo—French Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Congo-Zaïre) seized control of eastern DR Congo. The AFDL marched westward, captured the capital, and installed Laurent Kabila, an opposition leader, as president in 1997, ending the First Congo War.

Kabila asked the foreign armies to withdraw from his country. But a rift quickly developed between Kabila and his Rwandan backers. Alleging that Kabila had allowed the Hutu militias in the eastern Congo to reform, Rwanda and Uganda invaded the eastern part of the country in 1998. Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Angola sided with Kabila, and the DR Congo became a massive war zone.

By 2004, the war had killed almost four million people, including Kabila, who was assassinated in 2001. His son Joseph assumed the presidency and called for multilateral peace talks. Under the supervision of UN peacekeepers, Joseph Kabila signed an agreement that provided for power-sharing with the former rebels, the withdrawal of most of the foreign armies, and a transitional government until elections could be held. The war officially ended with the signing of the agreement in 2003.

Conflicts in the East Continue

Though the Second Congo War (also known as “Africa’s World War”) had ended, fighting continued in the eastern part of the country. Violence between the Lendu and Hema ethnic groups, sometimes supported by the governments of the DR Congo, Rwanda, or Uganda, continued in the Ituri region until 2007, ending only with the aid of an international peacekeeping force. The Lord’s Resistance Army, which also operates in Rwanda, Sudan, and the Central African Republic, continues to kill, kidnap, and mutilate, sometimes massacring hundreds of people at a time. But it is the conflict in Kivu, which continues to this day, that involves the M23.

During the Second Congo War, Laurent Nkunda led the rebel organization known as Rally for Congolese Democracy. Following the end of the war, Nkunda accused the DR Congo’s government of corruption and advocated its overthrow. He formed the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP, French: Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple), a military organization ostensibly created to protect Congolese Tutsis from Rwandan Hutus operating in the DR Congo. Rwandan Hutus were indeed active in the region, under the banner of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR, French: Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda). The CNDP began skirmishing with the DR Congo government in 2006, and both sides were accused of war crimes by the UN mission.

After two years of fighting and abortive peace processes, Nkunda seized a military camp and national park that occupied a strategic location near the road to Goma. Fighting continued around Goma, as the CNDP captured several towns. But then, in January of 2009, the DR Congo launched a joint operation with Rwandan forces to capture Nkunda. He was arrested as he attempted to flee into Rwanda. Two months later, the CNDP, under the leadership of Bosco Ntaganda, signed a peace agreement under which it would become a political party, with its soldiers integrated into the national army.

In April of 2012, former CNDP soldiers began deserting their posts. They formed the March 23 Movement (M23, French: Mouvement du 23-Mars, referring to the date of the 2009 peace accords between the CNDP and the government), again with the stated goal of opposing Hutu militant organizations. Leading the organization was Ntaganda, formerly of the Rwandan army and Nkunda’s successor as leader of the CNDP. Throughout 2012, the M23 marched towards Goma. They captured the city, with little resistance from the government or UN troops and at least 1,000 residents cheering their arrival. Though thousands of army and police officers reportedly joined the M23 after Goma’s fall, the M23 agreed to withdraw from the city. They left on December 1.

February of 2013 brought a major peace agreement for the Great Lakes region of eastern Congo. Eleven countries signed, including Rwanda and Uganda, both of which had been accused of aiding the M23 rebellion. The agreement called for security sector reform and capacity building in the DR Congo, with the sovereign states agreeing to abstain from interfering in one another’s internal affairs. The M23 was not part of the agreement.

In March, Ntaganda turned himself in to the US embassy in Kigali, Rwanda. He requested transfer to the International Criminal Court (ICC), which issued a warrant for his arrest in 2006 on charges of conscription of child soldiers, murder, ethnic persecution, and rape. It is unclear whether pressure from Rwanda, infighting within the M23, or some other factor prompted Ntaganda to surrender. Despite the peace agreement, and despite Ntaganda’s detention at the ICC, fighting has continued sporadically in the eastern part of the DR Congo since then, with the M23 still active in North Kivu.

Ripe for Rebellion

A number of factors make the DR Congo vulnerable to insurgency. It is a poor country, large both in area and population. Its rough terrain and lack of infrastructure make it difficult for the central government to exercise control throughout its territory. The government itself lacks resources. There are multiple interacting layers of ethnic strife, among ethnic groups with histories of violent conflict. But one of the most important factors that has driven the various rebel organizations over the past decade or so is the country’s mineral wealth. The DR Congo exports a number of valuable minerals, including gold, diamonds, copper, and cobalt. These easily lootable resources have funded multiple Congolese rebellions. The consistent involvement of Rwanda and Uganda, which have at times supported various armed groups, has only added fuel to the fire.

The Way Forward

In a recent report, the International Crisis Group (ICG) advanced several suggestions for conflict resolution in nearby South Kivu. The ICG proposed strengthening the rule of law by empowering customary chiefs to enforce the law, land management reform, and creating land management institutions. It also suggested a disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) program, formalization of the mineral trade, and the arrest and trial of the leaders of armed groups. Above all, the ICG emphasized localized solutions and conflict resolution strategies. Though specifically aimed at South Kivu, these suggestions, in their broad forms, apply to North Kivu as well.

On July 31, Secretary-General of the United Nations Ban Ki-moon expressed continued optimism regarding the Feburary peace agreement, but harshly criticized the M23 and other armed groups. He fell short of any actual call to action, merely expression “serious concern” about the allegations of atrocities commited by the armed groups in the eastern Congo.

Without a doubt, the ICG’s suggestions are good, and Mr. Ban’s optimism is encouraging. But for the most part, the ICG’s proposals are long-term solutions that will take time to implement. Establishing the rule of law and reforming the security sector cannot take place over night. Currently, the M23’s control of In the meantime, millions of people are displaced and starving.

The alternative to long-term solutions is some sort of swift action, most likely an effort by the Congolese military and/or UN troops to crush the M23. Such action would risk bringing Rwanda and Uganda into the fray. When Herve Ladsous, chief of the UN mission in the DR Congo (MONUSCO), proposed deploying unmanned aeiral drones in the eastern Congo, Rwanda vehemently opposed him. Even so, it seems unlikely that Rwanda or Uganda would risk another major war in response to an effort by the DR Congo and UN to root out the M23.

A military effort to root out the rebels is an attractive option, though MONUSCO has under 20,000 personnel to mointor a country about one quarter the size of the United States. If MONUSCO and the national army can muster sufficient forces, a concerted military effort could reestablish government control over the region and provide a basis for the reforms that the ICG urges.

But even a swift and successful miilitary campaign would not promise to end the conflict. Rebel organizations in the east have proved remarkably resilient, operating intermittently since independence in 1960. It is also important to remember that the government forces are not blameless. They too have been accused of war crimes by the UN mission, and Kabila’s reelection in 2011 was marred by widespread reports of irregularities from international observers. A government military victory would not resolve all of the grievances that have given rise to the insurgencies in the east, but it might help to reduce opportunities for rebellion.

References & Resources

NGO Reports

“Understanding the Conflict in Eastern Congo (I): The Ruzizi Plain.” International Crisis Group. 23 July 2013. http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/central-africa/dr-congo/206-comprendre-les-conflits-dans-lest-du-congo-i-la-plaine-de-la-ruzizi.aspx.
“DR Congo: M23 Rebels Kill, Rape Civilians.” Human Rights Watch. 22 July 2013. http://www.hrw.org/news/2013/07/22/dr-congo-m23-rebels-kill-rape-civilians.
“You Will be Punished: Attacks on Civilians in Eastern Congo.” Human Rights Watch. 13 Dec. 2009. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2009/12/13/you-will-be-punished.
“Faced with a Gun, What Can You Do?” Global Witness. 21 July 2009. http://www.globalwitness.org/library/global-witness-report-faced-gun-what-can-you-do.
“The Curse of Gold.” Human Rights Watch. 2 June 2005. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2005/06/01/curse-gold-0.
“Covered in Blood: Ethnically Targeted Violence in Northern DRC.” Human Rights Watch. 8 July 2003. http://www.hrw.org/reports/2003/07/07/covered-blood-0.

Historical Resources

“Democratic Republic of Congo Proflie.” BBC News. 25 Mar. 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13283212.
“Bosco Ntaganda: Wanted Congolese in US Mission in Rwanda.” BBC News Africa. 18 Mar. 2013. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-21835345.
“African Leaders Sign DRC Peace Deal.” Voice of America. 24 Feb. 2013. http://www.voanews.com/content/african-leaders-sign-deal-for-drc/1609673.html.
Deibert, M. “Congo Peace Deal was Doomed to Failure.” The Guardian. 21 Nov. 2012. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/nov/21/congo-m23-deal-goma.
Gouby, M. “Congo: M23 Rebels Aim for Ugandan Border Town.” Associated Press. 6 Oct. 2012. http://bigstory.ap.org/article/congo-m23-rebels-aim-ugandan-border-town.
Zapata, M. “Congo: The First and Second Wars, 1996-2003.” Enough Project. 29 Nov. 2011. http://www.enoughproject.org/blogs/congo-first-and-second-wars-1996-2003.
Sekyewa, E.R. “Trade in Congolese Gold: A Dilemma.” Kampala Dispatch. 12 May 2011. http://www.dispatch.ug/trade-in-congolese-gold-a-dilemma/1905/.
“Mineral Firms ‘Fuel Congo Unrest.'” BBC News. 21 July 2009. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8159977.stm.
“Congo Civil War.” GlobalSecurity.org. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/congo.htm.
McLaughlin, A., & Woodside, D. “Rumblings of War in Heart of Africa.” Christian Science Monitor. http://www.csmonitor.com/2004/0623/p01s04-woaf.html.
“In-Depth: Ituri in Eastern DRC.” IRIN News. Nov. 2002. http://www.irinnews.org/in-depth/70733/33/ituri-in-eastern-drc.

International Security Bulletin